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Study
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Slavery
Anti-Slavery
Free
Persons of Color
Underground
Railroad
The
Violent Decade
US
Colored Troops
Civil
War
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Chapter
Ten
The Bridge (continued)
17-18
June: It is Well to Avoid all Controversy
Large
groups of tired, sweat-stained men trudged east across the
Camel Back Bridge, returning to Harrisburg from a long night of digging
rifle pits and building artillery emplacements on Hummel Hill. They
emerged from the rather plain eastern span of the bridge—a
far less imaginative replacement for the half of Theodore Burr’s
elaborate span that was carried away seventeen years earlier by one
of Harrisburg’s frequent floods—and squinted their eyes
against the bright morning sun that streamed out of the eastern sky
to hit them full in the face.
Their
walk home took them east on Market Street, past the oddly deserted
produce and butcher stalls in the normally bustling market sheds on
the square, to Third Street, where some turned left toward Tanner’s
Alley and the other laboring class streets behind the Capitol, some
turned right toward Judy’s Town, and some continued on toward
the small bridge over the canal, to the newly established wagon train
camp.
Those
workers who were city natives may have remarked on how few familiar
faces they could spot among the thousands of people out and about on
Wednesday morning. Harrisburg was brimming over with strangers: journalists,
soldiers, government men, railroad workers, pickpockets, politicians,
and adventurers. Missing were large numbers of local citizens, particularly
the women and children, and in their place were strange men, young
and old, most attracted to town by the emergency.
There
were also a large number of men in town to conduct the business of
the Democratic Party, whose state convention was set to convene today
in the Capitol. Many of these men were just now walking down to their
hotel dining rooms for breakfast, in preparation for a busy day ahead,
and probably took little notice of the knots of African American laborers,
whose work clothes were coated with the orange-brown soil of Hummel
Hill.
At
ten o’clock a.m., the triennial convention of the Democratic
Party of Pennsylvania began in the House of Representatives, for the
purpose of nominating a candidate for Governor, and one for Judge of
the Supreme Court. Dr. George W. Nebinger, a representative delegate
from Philadelphia, was elected to preside over the convention. After
some organizing work, the assembled delegates began to work on resolutions
pledging fidelity to the Constitution and the Union and on securing
the nomination for their chosen candidates.147
Although
the delegates had arrived in town on Tuesday amid great chaos, panic,
and confusion, things had quieted down during the night, and an eerie
calm had now settled over the city. Most of those who intended upon
leaving the city by now had successfully made their escape, and the
mood of those still entering the city from the Cumberland Valley by
train and turnpike, which remained a considerable number, was more
one of determination than fear.
Regular
telegraph dispatches into the city enabled General Couch to determine
that the rebels were not moving toward the state capital with the same
rapidity with which they had earlier advanced as far as Scotland. The
fortifications on Hummel Hill were now quite extensive, thanks largely
to the nearly one thousand African American railroad laborers brought
in for the job. These crews, supplemented by civilian workers from
Harrisburg, who by now were almost all African American men, had been
laboring night and day under the direction of the railroad and military
engineers.
Some
artillery had even been put in place, woodlots had been cut down to
clear a line of fire, and abatis was being placed in front of the earthworks.
No troops from New York or New Jersey had yet arrived in the city,
but the counties north and east of Harrisburg had begun sending companies
of men. Large numbers of soldiers again filled city streets. Troops
crossed the river to man the rifle pits. A general feeling of satisfaction
with the fortifications, even a feeling of security, began to emerge.
Drillmaster
Octavius Valentine Catto
In
Philadelphia, schoolteacher and school administrator Octavius Valentine
Catto had been publicly drilling a company of would-be recruits in
the streets outside of Philadelphia’s Institute for Colored Youth
since Monday evening. Many of the recruits who performed the repetitious
military drills, calisthenics, and marching, in temperatures that reached
near eighty degrees by late afternoon, were students at the Institute,
and their drillmaster, Catto, taught English and mathematics to many
of them in its classrooms.
At
twenty-four years of age, Catto was one of the youngest teachers at
the academy, which gave young African American men of Philadelphia
a classical education, including Latin, Greek, Philosophy, Geometry,
and Trigonometry. Catto himself had graduated from the Institute in
1858 and had distinguished himself as class valedictorian. He returned
the following year to teach mathematics at the school, and was soon
appointed by the school board as assistant to Principal Ebenezer Don
Carlos Bassett.
When,
at the beginning of the Confederate invasion, Governor Andrew G. Curtin
issued orders to enlist all available “colored men who may be
mustered into the United States service as Pennsylvania troops,” Catto
consulted with Principal Bassett, who provided his support for the
raising of troops from the male students then enrolled at the Institute.
The young men began drilling in the streets almost immediately, and
within twelve hours, other men, both young and old, had joined their
ranks, all eager to report to Harrisburg in Pennsylvania’s time
of crisis.148
On
Tuesday, United States Army Lieutenant Colonel Charles F. Ruff issued
an urgent call to the citizens of Philadelphia for volunteers to be
sent to Harrisburg for the duration of the emergency, to serve as militia
troops. “Troops, then, will be received,” he directed, “only
in Companies of Eighty Men.” The notice was issued from the Office
of the Mayor of Philadelphia.
Upon
seeing the notice in the newspaper, Catto and another man reported
to Mayor Alexander Henry, Philadelphia’s strong pro-Union mayor,
who quickly took the young schoolteacher and his fellow captain to
Colonel Ruff’s office. There, Catto found himself standing before
a grizzled army recruiting officer, proudly offering the service of
his two companies, which now numbered one hundred and fifty African
American men.
The
army recruiter, Lieutenant Colonel Charles Frederick Ruff, was a highly
experienced soldier, having graduated from West Point a year before
Catto was even born. He had later become a lawyer and opened a law
office on the often chaotic and violent Missouri frontier. When Congress
declared war on Mexico in 1846, Ruff went to fight as Lieutenant Colonel
of the First Missouri Mounted Infantry, but soon transferred to a captaincy
in the United States Army. By the time that he faced the young Catto
in his Philadelphia recruiting office, on 17 June 1863, Ruff had progressed
through the ranks of the regular army to the position of Lt. Colonel
with the Third United States Cavalry.149
Ruff
was not at all taken aback by the request to muster African American
troops into the Pennsylvania militia. In fact he embraced the opportunity
with enthusiasm, reportedly telling Mayor Henry, Octavius Catto, and
the unnamed other man “Certainly. Get your men together, and
well-drilled officers will be appointed to take charge of them.”150 This
was all that Catto needed to hear. He prepared to get his men to the
city arsenal, where they were, without question or hesitation, equipped
for service to the Union.
Wednesday
afternoon found one full company of African American recruits, consisting
of ninety men and officers, marching in full military dress through
the streets to the railroad station in West Philadelphia. It was a
stirring sight to the many neighbors, friends, and family members who
witnessed the procession and gathered at the Pennsylvania Railroad
depot in the rural area of West Philadelphia to see them off.
The
soldiers and their supporters stood in the hot June sun, listening
as speeches were made and cheers were given for Abe Lincoln and Mayor
Henry, sweating heavily as the temperatures shot toward ninety degrees
just after noon. Commanding the company were three white officers,
Captain William Babe, a thirty-six-year-old veteran of the Fourth Pennsylvania
Reserves and a Philadelphia police officer, First Lieutenant William
Elliott, and Second Lieutenant Thomas Moore.
Babe,
like Colonel Ruff, had served in the War with Mexico as a member of
a Philadelphia unit, and was an active member of a survivors’ organization
known as the Scott Legion. At the outbreak of the Civil War, he enlisted
in a Chester County unit and served as Captain of Company K, the Easton
Guards, in the Fourth Pennsylvania Reserves, holding that position
until February 1862. During the Confederate invasion in the fall of
1862, Babe reenlisted, and served as Captain of Company A of the Sixty-Eighth
Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment, serving until January 1863.
Now
Captain Babe and his two white lieutenants were in command of a company
of black men leaving from West Philadelphia to help defend Harrisburg
from the army of Robert E. Lee. The three white officers must have
felt the weight of their responsibilities settle in as the train pulled
away from the supportive and cheering crowd of white and black well-wishers
at two-thirty p.m., and began its crawl through the suburban Philadelphia
countryside toward Harrisburg.
Left
behind at the depot were the sixty or so recruits of the second company,
too few in numbers to qualify as a full company, but with plans to
return to Lombard Street to continue their recruitment efforts this
afternoon so that they, too, would be sent to Harrisburg to join their
comrades.151
Among
those now on the train who were accepted for service by Colonel Ruff
were many of the male students at the Institute for Colored Youth,
and their youthful teacher Octavius Catto. These young men formed the
nucleus of the original company, being the first to volunteer. They
were intelligent, motivated, and very enthusiastic, and their captain,
the veteran of two brutal wars and numerous bloody battles, must have
been pondering whether they truly understood the work for which they
had volunteered.
Captain
Babe's Black Company Reports for Duty
After
six and one-half hours on the road, the Harrisburg Accommodation train
from West Philadelphia pulled into the Pennsylvania Railroad depot
along Market Street and slowed to a stop.152 The
engine hissed with the release of excess steam, and the train crew
jumped down onto the ground to attend to their work. On one of the
passenger cars behind the locomotive, ninety travel-weary recruits
shook the cinders from their new uniforms and stretched their legs
in the narrow aisles before descending onto the lamp lit platform.
The
bright afternoon sun by now had set behind the western hills, but the
air still held the heat. Captain Babe had his sergeants assemble the
men alongside the train while he determined where they should go. The
Harrisburg station was quite busy, and the appearance of the Philadelphia “colored” company
undoubtedly attracted much interest from other passengers, and particularly
from the black station employees, porters, and hack drivers.
This
was the first time a large unit of African American soldiers had arrived
in Harrisburg with the intention of serving here. Considerable excitement
had been generated back in early March when fourteen uniformed blacks
stopped in Harrisburg on their way from Pittsburgh to Massachusetts,
so word of the arrival of Captain Babe’s Company must have caused
a major stir in Harrisburg’s black community.
Per
orders, Captain Babe reported to whatever military authorities he could
find in the Capitol and presented his company for duty. Eventually
he was taken to see General Couch, who had already declined the service
of one unit the day before, due to their color. He was now faced with
another, with the promise of more African American troops to arrive
shortly.
Although
the city had calmed considerably from the chaos and panic of the sixteenth,
the numbers and disposition of the enemy forces was still very much
in doubt, and the fortifications, though almost complete, were still
not finished. Troops were beginning to arrive in Harrisburg with increasing
regularity, but not yet in numbers large enough to justify a sense
of true military security. Couch was obviously still in need of troops,
yet he was not convinced that he had the authority to accept African
American troops for the emergency.
Reluctantly,
he repeated to Captain Babe the same words he had wired to Secretary
of War Stanton nearly twenty-four hours earlier, telling the Philadelphia
commander that he had “no authority” to accept his men
for the emergency. Some have blamed the general’s decision on
racism, and others on fear of an angry reaction from delegates at the
State Democratic Convention, which was then finishing its first day
in town. Couch’s decision, however, may have had more to do with
his interpretation of Curtin’s General Orders Forty-Two, which
might be read to indicate that African American men could only be mustered
into three-year regiments.
If
Couch had doubts about that provision, though, he does not appear to
have asked Governor Curtin for clarification. Regardless of his reasoning,
Couch was not going to allow Captain Babe’s company to be mustered-in
and draw arms from the arsenal. They would have to return to Philadelphia.
The
news hit the would-be soldiers hard, and they returned, demoralized
and angry, to the train station. Couch’s decision soon became
common knowledge throughout the Harrisburg black community, and men
such as T. Morris Chester, John Wolf, and David Stevens must have felt
emotions close to despair, as the promise of equality in the Keystone
State appeared once again to be broken.
At
two o’clock a.m., the eastbound Express train left the Market
Street station bearing ninety disappointed men. Its arrival in West
Philadelphia at six-ten a.m. on Thursday morning stood in stark contrast
to the departure from the same depot some sixteen hours earlier. No
crowd of enthusiastic well-wishers greeted them, and no cheers were
given upon their arrival. Captain Babe and a few other men of the company,
very likely including Octavius Catto, paid a visit to Philadelphia
Mayor Henry shortly after their arrival, to inform him of the unwelcome
news from Harrisburg.153
When
news of the rejection reached the regional advocate for African American
troops, George Luther Stearns, the fiery activist within hours shot
off a curt telegram to Stanton in Washington, essentially going directly
over the head of Couch and Curtin. He wired:
A special dispatch to
the Philadelphia North American states that General Couch declined
to receive colored troops, alleging that he has no authority to
receive such troops for less than three years. Two companies here
are ready to go for the emergency. Shall I forward them? Companies
from other points can be forwarded. Shall they be sent?154
Catto left
the meeting with the Mayor’s promise that they had taken up the
matter with the War Department, and had applied for the authority to
recruit three regiments of African American men. Mayor Henry told Catto
that he had “no doubt that within two days arrangements would
be made so that colored men could have an opportunity of serving the
country.” The optimistic projection was something at least, and
Catto took it back to his young students. It would turn out to be more
than two days, but the opportunity was about to present itself to them.
However, it would not be in Harrisburg.

Before noon,
Secretary of War Edwin Stanton sent two telegraphic replies: one to
Couch in Harrisburg and one to Stearns in Philadelphia. To Couch he
wired a simple directive: “You are authorized to receive into
the service any volunteer troops that may be offered, without regard
to color.” To the angry Stearns, Stanton sent a more ambiguous
message, telling him that color would no longer be an issue in Harrisburg,
but “if there is likely to be any dispute about the matter, it
will be better to send no more. It is well to avoid all controversy
in the present juncture, as the troops can be well used elsewhere.”155 Although
Stanton’s dithering reply did not change the immediate situation
in Harrisburg, as no other African American companies from elsewhere
in the state reported for duty and Captain Babe’s company did
not return to Harrisburg, it did set the stage for the events of the
following week.
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Notes
147. Patriot
and Union, 18 June 1863.
148. Philadelphia
Press, 17 June 1863; Waskie, “Biography of Octavius V.
Catto.”
149. “To
the Citizens of Philadelphia,” Philadelphia Press, 17
June 1863; Obituary of “Brig-Gen. C. F. Ruff,” New
York Times, 2 October 1885.
150. Philadelphia
Press, 17 June 1863.
151. Philadelphia
Press, 18 June 1863.
152. “Pennsylvania
Rail Road Summer Time Table,” Evening Telegraph, 17
June 1863.
153. Philadelphia
Press, 19 June 1863.
154. Official
Records, ser. 1, vol. 27, pt. 3, 203.
155. Ibid. The
two companies of men raised by Octavius Catto did not return to Harrisburg
after Stanton authorized the use of African American troops for the
emergency. Instead, on 26 June, many of them reported for duty at Camp
William Penn where they were mustered into Company A of the Third United
States Colored Infantry Regiment. Frank H. Taylor, Philadelphia
in the Civil War, 1861-1865 (Philadelphia: City of Philadelphia,
1913), 188.
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