Table of Contents
Free Persons of Color
The Violent Decade
US Colored Troops
the Anti-slavery Pilgrims
The increasing tolerance, if not
acceptance, of anti-slavery sentiment in Harrisburg during this
period led directly to an increase in visiting anti-slavery
lecturers through the next decade. Not all were associated with
the organized anti-slavery societies. Some were on moral reform
and temperance tours, but even these traveling agents brought
with them an anti-slavery message. More importantly, these
traveling agents provided connections, brought news, and
strengthened ties between anti-slavery activists in the
One early example is the touring moral reform advocate
identified only by the pen name "Origen" in his descriptive
letters to the editor of the Colored American
newspaper. This correspondent was Daniel Alexander Payne, an
African American preacher from East Troy, New York, who had
studied for the ministry in Gettysburg, under the tutelage of
Dr. Samuel Schmucker. Payne's primary interest was in the
religious health of the communities he visited, but like the
editors of the newspaper with which he corresponded, he also
concerned himself with literary development, moral elevation,
and the abolition of slavery. He carried a supply of
anti-slavery tracts, supplied by the American Anti-Slavery
Society, which he distributed wherever he found an interest and
Payne's circuit in Pennsylvania began in Philadelphia on 15
August 1838, where he visited with James Forten, Charles W.
Gardiner, and Robert Purvis, among others. His stay in
Philadelphia included visits to numerous churches, at which he
listened to the sermons of some of his hosts, and he attended
several literary improvement meetings that featured the reading
of anti-slavery periodicals and the singing of anti-slavery
Philadelphia, his tour took him via railroad to Columbia, where
he has warmly welcomed by Stephen Smith and William Whipper, at
whose homes he stayed until 3 September, and from Columbia, he
took the stagecoach to York. Although Reverend Payne was
disappointed that he could find no evidence of any
self-improvement societies in York, he had nothing but praise
for his hosts, William C. Goodridge and a Mr. White.
William C. Goodridge was already well established in that town
when Payne visited, having begun in 1824 as a barber, then
building and diversifying his business until he owned several
properties, including a stylish brick home on East Philadelphia
Street. Payne, who was until that day a stranger to Goodridge,
praised his host as a man who "commands both my respect and
He only stayed in York a little more than one day before taking
the stage for Gettysburg, a location that had been home to him
in prior years and held precious memories. Here, he distributed
anti-slavery publications to students at the Lutheran
Theological Seminary, where he had studied, and took in an
anti-slavery sermon delivered by his mentor and dear friend, Dr.
Samuel Simon Schmucker. Samuel Schmucker was founder of both
Pennsylvania College and the seminary, and was a dedicated
Payne stayed for a considerable time in Gettysburg, partially
because he became ill for a period of thirteen days, which
confined him to his room. When he was sufficiently recovered, he
spent his time visiting old friends and renewing acquaintances.
Before he left Gettysburg, he gave a copy of William Yates' Rights
of Colored Men to the local moral improvement society.
On 25 September, he was driven in a carriage to Carlisle, where
he stayed with William Webb. Here, he visited the local school
for African American children, and witnessed the operation of
the Juvenile Anti-Slavery Society as it perused editions of the
Payne later traveled back to, and spent considerable time in,
Carlisle, where he kept a close friendship with barber John
Peck, a noted abolitionist activist.
In all these places, Reverend Payne made immediate contact with
local African American anti-slavery activists. Although his
letters do not indicate such, it is very likely he shared news
of activities, especially news of the movement of fugitive
slaves, from one town to the next. From Philadelphia to
Gettysburg and Carlisle, all these contacts and activists were
involved with not only the political spectrum of anti-slavery
agitation, but with the secretive and illegal work of providing
aid to freedom seekers. Although Payne did not include
Harrisburg on his tour, other anti-slavery agents did.
William H. Burleigh, brother of Charles C. Burleigh, spoke in
Harrisburg on 28 January 1838, while in town for the first
meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society. He went to
hear a colonization address at a Harrisburg church, delivered by
Dr. Booth, an agent of the Pennsylvania Colonization Society.
Following the address, Booth invited members of the audience to
challenge any inaccuracies in his speech. He was taken aback
when Burleigh, whose views Booth had substantially
misrepresented during his speech, raised his hand and offered to
correct the impressions for the rest of the listeners. Booth
refused to allow Burleigh to speak.
More than a year later, in the summer of 1839, Charles B. Ray
visited Harrisburg to solicit subscribers for the Colored
American, lodging with Junius Morel. He made valuable
contacts with the local white abolitionists during his stay,
although he was disappointed in the response from the African
American community. Ray had similar experiences when he traveled
through Lancaster and York, prior to arriving in Harrisburg. He
characterized the African American citizenry of both places as
"very respectable, industrious and in tolerable circumstances,"
but he complained that they were still "too timid, too much
afraid of the storm."81
Of course, Ray was referring to their political involvement and
not their Underground Railroad activism. Both communities were
already involved in extensive covert efforts to shelter fugitive
slaves. He was also reporting from a distinctly prejudiced
viewpoint, having been unable to find enough sorely needed
subscribers to his newspaper. In Harrisburg, only Morel and
barber Charles Dorris were agents, while in Carlisle, William
Webb acted as his agent. Junius Morel, by 1840, also paid for
the subscription of a J. Collins in Highspire.
If political awareness could be measured by the availability of
anti-slavery publications, Harrisburg, Columbia, and Carlisle
were certainly not lacking. During that time, William Lloyd
Garrison's Liberator was being circulated by a few
anti-slavery people through town and was available at George
Chester's oyster cellar, while the Mystery, Martin R.
Delany's short-lived newspaper, was available from William
Thompson in town. In previous years, Samuel Cornish's Freedom's
Journal was available from Stephen Smith in Columbia, and
from John B. Vashon (before he relocated to Pittsburgh) in
Carlisle. In the coming years, other abolitionist newspapers
would make their appearance in Harrisburg, with the North
Star being perhaps the most popular, having about ten
regular subscribers by 1849.
on the Lecture Circuit
The influence of women in the anti-slavery movement had been
increasing steadily, and in April 1845 a delegation of American
Antislavery Society speakers, including two women, Abby Kelley
(later Abby Kelley Foster) and Jane Elizabeth Hitchcock, were
scheduled to speak over a course of several days at the
courthouse in Harrisburg. The novelty of hearing women lecturers
attracted many people in the borough, and the first day of
lectures proceeded without incident. As word of the event spread
through town, though, some were attracted to the venue for
The crowd that gathered on the evening of the second day
included a large number of ladies, but also a considerable
number of persons who felt that public addresses by females,
particularly on this topic, was unseemly and inappropriate.
Instead of challenging their points or raising objections to the
speakers and their topic in the public forum of the courthouse,
though, the opponents of the anti-slavery speakers opted for
more disrespectful tactics. Halfway through the address of Jane
Hitchcock, "a party of rowdies several times raised false alarms
of fire, in order to disturb the meeting." The male speakers
traveling with Kelley and Hitchcock were similarly treated.
Taking the rostrum next was Benjamin S. Jones, a Quaker lecturer
from Philadelphia, who was rudely hissed by people in the
audience and frequently interrupted in his address by one
particular person in the gallery.
The agents, and those who genuinely wanted to hear them speak,
endured about a half-hour of this type of behavior from the
anti-abolition hecklers before the entire meeting abruptly ended
when a "shower of eggs" was thrown through one of the windows,
hitting Hitchcock and several persons in the audience. If the
egg on their clothes was not enough of an insult to deter the
agency speakers from continuing, a more sinister threat surfaced
the next day, and it specifically targeted Abby Kelley and Jane
Hitchcock, both of whom were promised a tar and feathering and a
dunking as punishment for further speeches.82
The threats, fortunately, were not carried out, but the message
was abundantly clear: women abolitionists would be given no pass
due to their sex from the Harrisburg pro-slavery crowd.
Three years later, in March 1848, Abby Kelley Foster -- the AAS
agent had married fellow abolitionist Stephen Foster shortly
after her first stormy appearance in Harrisburg -- returned. The
female abolitionist was fresh from her work at spreading the
radical abolitionist word in Ohio, and had gained a national
reputation by this time, not only for her oration, but also for
her stubborn devotion to the cause in the face of more than ten
years of belittling remarks, insults, and threats. She had not
been cowed by the rowdy crowd in 1845 and she would not be kept
out of the borough by the threat of violence three years later.
second appearance produced no dramatic protests in spite of, or
perhaps because of, her fearless attitude. If threats would not
stop her, insults would have to suffice. Her appearance in town
was noticed by a correspondent for the Philadelphia newspaper,
the U.S. Gazette, whose editors caustically remarked,
"We wonder if she knows how to broil a steak or knit stockings."
Little had changed, it seemed, in the minds and attitudes of her
detractors, although much had changed locally. Women were fast
becoming a major force in all aspects of the operations of
national and local anti-slavery organizations. One of their key
roles, taking a cue from their British counterparts, was in
fundraising. In 1849, when the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery
Society reported on their Fourteenth Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery
Fair, they were able to credit the women of Harrisburg for the
donation of much needed supplies.
R. Delany Returns
Harrisburg was now also becoming a regular stop on the
anti-slavery lecture circuit. Martin R. Delany, the fiery
abolitionist orator and classically educated son of a Virginia
slave father, spoke in Harrisburg in November 1849. Harrisburg's
African American residents were already familiar with his work
and his views, as his newspaper, the Mystery, had been
available in town when it was in publication, from William
Thompson, one of Delany's local agents.
a letter published in the North Star, Delany detailed
a speaking itinerary that included Carlisle, Harrisburg,
Columbia, Lancaster, Reading, and York, all in the space of one
week, although when he actually traveled the circuit, he
expanded his time in several spots.
He ended up staying for five days, November 14 through 18, in
Harrisburg, a place in which he had spent some time as a youth.
He spoke on three separate occasions during his stay. Delany's
hosts at this time were John F. and Hannah Williams. John
Williams was a young barber in town who was doing quite well for
himself and his family, having already purchased his own home in
the North Ward of the borough. Delany noted that the Williams
family was always ready to take in an "anti-slavery pilgrim,"
and in his case, it proved to be a great blessing.
Delany had arrived in town on the train near midnight on the
fourteenth, and sought a room at local hotel. He was rudely
turned away from several hotels because of his color, and only
agreed to stay with the Williams family when it became apparent
to him that no Harrisburg hoteliers would rent a room to an
African American traveler. The Williams family received him, he
wrote, "the night that stupid ignorance and wicked prejudice
debarred me from shelter."
While in town, Delany had many opportunities to observe the
African American school run by teacher John Wolf, with whom he
was already acquainted and whom he praised as a "gentleman of
fine attainments." Wolf, he observed, credited William Whipper
of Columbia, another one of his trusted friends and a former
agent of the Mystery, as a mentor, being indebted to
the Lancaster County entrepreneur and civil rights activist "for
the direction of his mind." In fact, John Wolf had taught school
in Columbia for three years before coming to Harrisburg, which
is probably how he made the acquaintance of William Whipper.
Delany commented, "This of itself is a recommendation to him."
Delany's audiences in all locations consisted principally of the
African American residents of these towns, and his message was
one of self-reliance. He wrote, "It is necessary to make our
people dependent upon themselves, and cease to look to others to
do for them….My constant advice to our brethren shall be—Elevate
yourselves!" He could have taken no better model for his
rhetoric than the John F. Williams family.
The following year, on 10 August 1850, abolitionist Charles
Lenox Remond spoke in Harrisburg. Remond, along with his sister
Sarah Parker Remond, were freeborn African Americans, highly
educated, and the children of civil rights activists in Salem,
Massachusetts. They were also the first African American
traveling agents for the American Anti-Slavery Society.83
Remond's audience, unlike the audience to whom Delany lectured,
would be largely white, and he knew he could look forward to a
chilly reception by the foes of abolition in Harrisburg. He knew
this because he had heard about the experiences of one who had
come before. He was not the first African American orator to
lecture to a hostile white crowd in Harrisburg. That distinction
fell to a then little-known escaped slave turned abolitionist
named Frederick Douglass.
A "Shameful" Reception in Harrisburg
When William Lloyd Garrison proposed, in the pages of the Liberator,
to pay a visit to "our friends and coadjutors at the West," by
which he meant the Western Anti-Slavery Society in Ohio,
Harrisburg's anti-slavery activists became energized with the
prospect of seeing the man who had done so much for the cause.
They knew that the route to Ohio would logically pass through
Harrisburg, so their chance of seeing Garrison, who up to this
point had never visited the central Pennsylvania area, was very
The level of excitement rose when it was announced that
Frederick Douglass, the escaped slave who was now an
anti-slavery lecturer, would accompany Garrison on this trip.
Douglass had just published his autobiography, Narrative of
the Life of Frederick Douglass, two years before, and was
just beginning to become known as a powerful speaker outside of
New England anti-slavery circles. His new notoriety was thanks
to the coverage that Garrison had provided in the pages of the Liberator,
and he was just returning from a very successful tour of Great
Britain, where he championed the immediate emancipation cause to
British abolitionists. Douglass' star was clearly rising, and
the possibility that Harrisburg's citizen's might induce him and
Garrison to not only stop in town, but also deliver an address
while here led several black citizens to call for a meeting to
discuss the idea.
They agreed to meet in the Wesley Union A.M.E. Zion church,
which by this time had been relocated from the log building at
Third and Mulberry streets to a plot purchased by the
congregation from the Forster family, on the southeast corner of
South Street and Tanner Alley. It was here, in the small brick
church building, that a number of people gathered on 20 July
1847 "to take into consideration the propriety of inviting W. L.
Garrison and F. Douglass to pay them a visit on their route to
The Reverend David Stevens had resumed his post as pastor when
the congregation moved to its new home, and it is likely he was
in attendance at the meeting. One influential Harrisburg black
activist was not in attendance. Junius Morel, who had helped to
organize local African Americans in their opposition to the
pro-slave forces, and who had forged a mutually respected
alliance with local white abolitionists, had moved to Brooklyn,
New York a few years prior. His place as leader of the African
American anti-slavery crowd was amply filled by the pastors and
leading members of Wesley Union A.M.E. Zion and the Bethel
A.M.E. churches, many of whom were in attendance on this day.
Three local men were appointed to a committee to draft
resolutions requesting a visit from the famed anti-slavery men.
One of the men, the "athletic and stately" Edward Bennett, had
been a community leader and a leading member of this church for
many years, and in fact still maintained his home at Third and
Mulberry streets, in the old neighborhood. At about forty-three
years of age, he was the oldest of the three appointees. Thomas
Early, the second-eldest appointee, was about twenty-nine years
old and newly married. John F. Williams, at age twenty-seven,
was the youngest of the draft committee members. He had only
been married for about a year, and had a one-year-old son at
All three men were dedicated anti-slavery activists. Williams
was the person who would open up his home to Martin R. Delany
two years later. The resolutions that were written by Bennett,
Early, and Williams, and which were unanimously adopted by those
in attendance, were complimentary toward the efforts of both
Douglass and Garrison, and were straightforward in requesting
that they "stop a day or two," in Harrisburg.
In addition to sending a copy of the proceedings for publication
in the Liberator and the Mystery, the
resolutions also created a separate committee of fifteen persons
"to correspond with the above named guests…and to make each
arrangement as the occasion may require." Those arrangements
included finding a place for the travelers to stay while in
town, which required making preparations with Harrisburg's white
All preparations were duly made, Garrison graciously accepted
the invitation, and on Saturday, 7 August, the anti-slavery
proponents in Harrisburg made ready to receive their invited
guests. The day was heavily overcast, as the rain that had begun
on Friday afternoon continued throughout the morning and into
Saturday afternoon. Toward three o'clock p.m., a delegation of
local citizens met on the platform of the Pennsylvania Railroad
Station to await the arrival of Garrison and Douglass, who had
departed on the cars from Philadelphia that morning. Unknown to
them, Frederick Douglass had already met a man from Harrisburg
in the train before it even left the station, and it was not a
Douglass had boarded the train in Philadelphia before Garrison
arrived and took a seat next to the window to await his
companion. As he was looking out of the window he was "suddenly
accosted in a slave driving tone and ordered to 'get out of that
seat,' by a man who had a lady with him, and who might have
claimed the right to eject any other passenger for his
accommodations with as much propriety." Douglass said he
remained calm as well as seated, and told the man, "I do not
feel bound to give up my seat to any one, gentleman or lady,
unless asked in a proper manner to do so."
The man, who Garrison thought was probably drunk, seized
Douglass by the collar and pulled him out of the seat. This was
no small feat as Frederick Douglass was quite an imposing man.
One of his biographers described him as "Over six feet in
height, a strong and muscular physique, broad shouldered." He
could easily have defended himself and probably would have
succeeded in driving the man from the train, yet to do so would
have certainly caused his arrest and would have brought the trip
to Ohio to a premature halt. Instead, Douglass rose and faced
his assailant, mustered all of his self-control, and in a calm
and dignified tone told the man that he was a bully. The two men
exchanged a few more angry words before Douglass terminated the
confrontation by taking a seat in the next railway car, where
Garrison joined him.
Upon inquiry, Garrison determined that Douglass' tormentor was
John Adams Fisher, a socially and politically prominent lawyer
from Harrisburg. Though Fisher remained on the same train with
the pair, he had no additional confrontation with either of
incident, however, would prove to be a presage of the coming
The train pulled in to the Market Street station at Harrisburg
at three o'clock in the afternoon, and Garrison and Douglass
were greeted on the platform by a group that included Dr.
William Wilson Rutherford, Agnes Crain, and John Wolf. All these
people were warm friends of the anti-slavery men, and Rutherford
was an officer with the local anti-slavery society. Garrison
greeted Dr. Rutherford as "an old subscriber to the Liberator."
On the platform waiting with Rutherford and Crain were a number
of African American residents of Harrisburg, led by
schoolteacher John Wolf. After introductions and pleasantries
were exchanged, Frederick Douglass went with Wolf to his home in
Judy's Town, as had been prearranged, and Garrison went with
William Rutherford to his mansion at Eleven South Front Street.
Garrison wrote that he received, at Dr. Rutherford's home, "a
cordial welcome from his estimable lady," Eleanor.
The two men rested at the homes of their respective hosts, and
in the early evening went to the Dauphin County Court House, on
Market Street, which was the venue reserved for their addresses
on that and the following evenings. A large crowd had gathered
by the time they arrived and the lecture room was filled before
the start, which encouraged Garrison, as he had been told that
previous anti-slavery lectures here had not generated much
Several prominent local citizens in the audience were also
pointed out to him. One person in the audience was local
attorney Charles C. Rawn, who by now appears to have definitely
switched his views to be sympathetic toward the anti-slavery
cause. Whether Rawn was an abolitionist of the radical
Garrisonian stripe at this point is doubtful. In his journal
entry for the day, he wrote that he was at the crowded event to
hear "the celebrated Wm. Lloyd Garrison," showing his interest
in hearing what the radical abolitionist had to say. Rawn was
not as familiar with Frederick Douglass yet, referring to him as
"a col'd man of some note."
The size and makeup of the crowd also aroused Garrison's
suspicions, however, as he ascertained a certain mischievous
character in many of those who hung toward the back of the room.
Garrison had previously noted that Harrisburg was "very much
under the influence of slavery," and he had no doubt that
influence would manifest itself in some manner during their
The "celebrated" newspaper editor spoke first, and though his
speech lasted about an hour, and his remarks, by his own
description, were "stringent" and "severe," he was not
interrupted. He took his seat and a noticeable ripple of
anticipation went through the room then, as Frederick Douglass
rose and took his place to address the audience.
The sonorous voice of the former slave had scarcely echoed
through the room before the solemnity of the occasion was
shattered by the splattering of several eggs that were lobbed
through the open windows and door. The eggs, which were aimed at
Douglass, smashed all over the furniture and wall next to him,
and it became immediately apparent to everyone in the room that
they were very rotten.
Douglass resumed his speech, raising his voice to rise above the
taunts coming from the streets outside, and attempting to ignore
the nearly overpowering stench of the rotten eggs. He was almost
immediately thwarted by firecrackers that were next thrown into
the room, and which landed among the women who were seated to
one side, causing a great commotion among them. No sooner had
that excitement passed when more rotten eggs were launched
through the windows, one of which broke over the back of
Garrison's head. All this time, the rowdies outside were yelling
and taunting those assembled inside, and yelling, "Throw out the
nigger." By now the audience had withstood all that it could,
and quite a few people began to crowd toward the door.
Garrison took the floor and managed to get control of the hall
for a moment, sternly announcing that if Harrisburg lacked
"sufficient love of liberty and self-respect…to protect the
right of assembly and the freedom of speech," then he and
Douglass would not persist in their efforts to speak here, and
they would go to where they "could be heard." One of the more
politically distinguished persons inside the Court House, Deputy
Secretary of the Commonwealth Henry Petriken, angrily retorted
that, although he wanted to hear the guests speak, he was
"obliged to defend the character of the people of Harrisburg."
Charles Rawn, fully cognizant of the political tenor of the
town, took offense at Petriken's stance, and verbally corrected
him in front of the increasingly bewildered audience.
The meeting had lost all semblance of order by now. Several
persons still in their seats could be overheard asking, "Where
are the police?" Curiously, the office of county sheriff was
located in the same building, almost directly above the hall
where the anti-slavery lecture was taking place. Either Dauphin
County Sheriff James Martin was not in his office and was
therefore unaware of the disturbance, or he was unconcerned with
the fate of outside anti-slavery agitators in the borough. Chief
Burgess Henry Chritzman, who lived a few blocks east of the
courthouse, on Market Street, was similarly unaware or
Shards and Brickbats
Regardless of whether local officials knew of the ongoing
commotion, no police or deputies arrived to disperse the rowdies
and restore order. With no lawmen in attendance, the crowd
outside turned suddenly ugly, and a dangerous hail of stones and
bricks soon took the place of the annoying but relatively
harmless eggs and firecrackers. Several windows in the
courthouse were smashed and Douglass was hit in the back by a
stone and grazed on the face by a brick. In writing of the
episode a few days later, Garrison pointed out that "all the
venom of the rowdies seemed to be directed against [Douglass]."
Sensing the intent of the mob, a number of African American
residents rushed to form a protective escort around Douglass as
he hurriedly exited the courthouse onto Market Street. He later
recalled that a local white woman offered to take his arm and
walk with him, but he declined, sensing that it would only
incite the mob to more extreme violence. He was probably
correct. The scene in the street was chaotic and frightening as
a group of the town's African American residents attempted to
move Douglass eastward along the street through the surrounding
swarm of enraged whites who shouted racial epithets and
continued pelting them with missiles. The white anti-slavery
supporters at the scene, Garrison wrote, were left unmolested,
and could only watch helplessly as Douglass was led by the
town's blacks to refuge in a friendlier neighborhood. The lack
of police intervention in the riot was noticed by the national
press, which termed it "shameful."86
William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass did get their
opportunity to address the citizens of Harrisburg peaceably the
next day, which was Sunday. Instead of pressing ahead with
another attempt to speak at the courthouse, however, they
limited their appearance to a more hospitable location, speaking
twice at the Wesley Union A.M.E. Zion church, in Tanners' Alley.
They spoke in the late morning and in the afternoon, to a
crowded audience that was mostly African American, although in a
letter written several days later from Pittsburgh, Garrison
recalled that "a number of white [friends] were also present."
No African American anti-slavery orator attempted to address the
white citizens of Harrisburg publicly the rest of that decade.
The next year, when Martin R. Delany arrived in town to lecture
to African American audiences, he found the "general demeanor of
the whites is quite civil. . .but do not think I could say as much,
had I attempted to hold a meeting in the Court House." The
message had been conveyed quite clearly, even if the town had
suffered a dressing down for its shameful behavior: Harrisburg
was, as Garrison had written, "very much under the influence of
There is, however, an important point to be made regarding those
two Sunday meetings at Wesley Church. Those who were in
attendance to hear Douglass and Garrison speak at the church,
both white and black, were the defiant ones, refusing to buckle
under to the prevailing pro-slavery sentiment in Harrisburg.
They had publicly defied the slave powers from the first week of
1836, when they held a public meeting in Alexander Graydon's
house, through the excitement of the conventions in the
following years, to the stormy visits from outside lecturers.
The 1847 meeting in Wesley Church was a victory for the cause of
anti-slavery because it proved that Harrisburg whites and blacks
were still working together years after Charles B. Ray and
Junius Morel had connected those "few choice white activists"
with their African American counterparts. No longer were their
efforts totally separate and disconnected. For more than a
decade their cause had been, and would continue to be onward,
even though that path led decidedly uphill.
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American, 8, 15 September, 13, 20 October 1838. For
mention of the 1838 Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Convention in
Harrisburg, see Liberator, 2, 16 February 1838.
23 February 1838; Colored American, 17 August 1839.
Excerpt from Philadelphia Public Ledger, published in
Liberator, 25 April 1845.
The two male AAS agents traveling with Abby Kelly and Jane E.
Hitchcock were Stephen Foster and Benjamin S. Jones. In June,
all four traveled to Ohio to pioneer the Garrisonian
anti-slavery philosophy west of the Alleghenies. There, Kelley
married Stephen Foster and Hitchcock married Benjamin Jones.
Henry Mayer, All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the
Abolition of Slavery (New York: St. Martin's, 1998),
Star, 17 March, 17 November, 1 December 1848, 3 August
1849; "Report of the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society
Committee of the Fourteenth Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Fair, 9
January 1850," Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
http://www.hsp.org/files/pfassreporton14thfair.pdf (accessed 9
April 2009); Obituary of John Wolf, Brooklyn Eagle, 13
February 1899; Obituary of John Wolf, Christian Recorder,
2 March 1899.
19 March 1847; Bureau of the Census, Seventh Census of the
United States, 1850, Harrisburg, Dauphin County, Pennsylvania;
Barton and Dorman, Harrisburg's Old Eighth Ward,
20 August 1847. The physical description of Frederick Douglass
is from David P. Chesebrough, Frederick Douglass: Oratory
From Slavery (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998), 103.
Weather data is from entries dated 6 August 1847 and 7 August
1847 in "The Rawn Journals" (accessed 11 April 2009).
It is ironic that the man who accosted Frederick Douglass on the
train from Philadelphia to Harrisburg, John Adams Fisher, was
the son of George Fisher II, the founder of Portsmouth, and the
attorney who aided James Williams of Portsmouth, when his family
was kidnapped by slave catchers in 1834. George Fisher's role as
an attorney for the abolition society is noted in Liberator,
25 April 1835.
20 August 1847; National Era, 26 August 1847; Entry
dated 7 August 1847, "The Rawn Journals" (accessed 11 April
2009); Ira V. Brown, "An Anti-Slavery Journey: Garrison and
Douglass in Pennsylvania, 1847," Pennsylvania History
67, no. 4 (Autumn 2000): 533-541; Frederic May Holland, Frederick
Douglass: The Colored Orator (New York: Funk &
Wagnalls, 1891), 154-156.
Holland, Douglass, 156; North Star, 1