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Dauphin County Citizens Petition Congress in Support of African Colonization
Memorial to Congress on the Subject of ColonizationTo the senate and house of representatives of the United
States, in congress assembled. In discharging the duty confided to us by our fellow citizens we cannot forbear remarking that we are fully aware of the difficult, delicate and important nature of the subject to which we are commissioned to invite your attention. Considered by minds of cool discriminating reflection it presents nothing but a simple question of EXPEDIENCY, devoid of all feeling, interest and passion, but involved, as some may regard it, in its consequences, with other questions of vital concern to a large portion of our brethren of the Union, we are impressed with a lively fear of the possibility that its nature may be mistaken, its tendency misconceived, and the motives which prompted it, misrepresented or calumniated. Anxious to avoid the remotest possibility of a misunderstanding on this point, we will state explicitly and unreservedly that it is not the design, nor do we believe it will be the effect of granting the object sought by this memorial, to touch directly or indirectly the vested rights or interests of any man, or any community of men in the United States, except eventually to improve the condition of the FREE OR MANUMITTED NEGROES living among us. It would be as impolitic as it would be repugnant to our feelings of respect and justice to our southern brethren, to solicit the interference of congress in their domestic concerns. However unfortunate we may deem their situation, it is still one which no legislative body has the power of altering or controlling but their own state legislatures. These and these alone, as representatives of the people of their respective states, have the right of applying correctives if evils exist, and these and these only are responsible for the consequences of their continuance. The removal of the free negroes in this country from among the white population is a matter in which the citizens in every state in the Union must feel a deep solicitude, as it is one on which the safety, harmony and good order of society materially depend. Occupying a subordinate station, destitute of the means, motives, and energy of character essential to an improvement of their condition, they are now, and must continue to be, for generations to come, with few exceptions, the most worthless and degraded portions of society. The calendars of our jails and penitentiaries, and the records of our poor houses, bear ample testimony of this truth. The relative proportion of negro criminals and paupers in every state of the Union, on a comparison of the numbers of the black and white population, is a melancholy but instructive commentary on their condition. We need say nothing further than merely to advert to this fact for the purpose of showing the extent and magnitude of the evil which we call on you to redress. It affects us in its operation as a nation, and it must be obvious to all, that by national intervention only can it be removed. To insure the aid of the General Government it appears to us that these three positions are to be established: First, is it expedient to carry into execution the purpose for which we were appointed to address you? Is it feasible to do it? And, does congress possess the power necessary for the purpose? In addition to the foregoing observations, the expediency
of the measure may be further proven by other reasons no less cogent
and alarming. There are at present in the United States about two
millions seven hundred and fifty thousand free blacks and slaves,
which number will augment at the rate of the last ten year's increase,
to the enormous and fearful number of more than ten millions in
forty years from the present time! As the whole mass of coloured population
grows in number, the free and manumitted portion of it will accelerate
its increase to an appalling degree of rapidity, operated upon as it
will be by various causes, and if already this miserable caste crowd
our prisons and poor houses, corrupting by their vicious and idle example
one part of community, and depending for subsistence on their depredations
or the charity of the other part, how much more lamentable and hopeless
is the condition to which the free white population of this country is
hastening, than that which it has at present reached, but which is confessedly
fraught with such difficulties and dangers. These are not the only evils
that threaten us. Can human foresight be so short? We have forborne to offer a single observation on the justice of the measure we recommend. We say nothing of the duty which we owe to the degraded and friendless free blacks of this country, to restore them to the land of their fathers, where they may enjoy unmolested, that equality of rights and dignity of character which they appeal to our declaration of independence, as proving to be their natural inheritance. We leave the benefits which the blacks themselves are to receive, entirely out of consideration, and present the subject to your view, exclusively on the ground of politic expediency for our own adoption. On this basis we rest this part of the argument and cheerfully leave the expediency, nay necessity of our application, to stand or fall, as it is supported by duty, justice and truth. Secondly, the feasibility of removing the free blacks and manumitted slaves according to the design of the resolution under which we act, is, we apprehend, very readily demonstrated. The entire black population of this country, at present, as above stated, is about 2 3/4 millions, the annual increase of which at the rate of increase during the last ten years, is about 70,000. These may be removed to Liberia, or some other part of the coast of Africa, and maintained there for six months, at an average price of thirty dollars each person, or at a gross amount of less than two millions and a half of dollars. Perhaps a portion of the national vessels might be employed in the transportation of them, and this reduce the sum still lower. No difficulty can arise in procuring a sufficient number of free blacks and manumitted slaves for removal. Thousands are now ready to go, if means were provided, and thousands more would be manumitted by their masters, on condition of their immediate transportation from the country. The expense of their maintenance till they can support themselves in Africa will be mere nothing. The soil of Liberia is fertile beyond measure. The climate salubrious and genial, the very one which the GOD of Nature designed them to enjoy. A regular government based on principles of freedom, fashioned after our own perfect model, is established there, and will stretch forth its hand to receive and welcome the negro back to his fatherland. The treasury of the general government is full and overflowing. The national debt is extinguished. The resources and the enterprise of the American people unparalleled. Their means more than equal to the task; their policy and their safety demanding its accomplishments, who can doubt their readiness to embark in this undertaking? At the present time, the evil is within the reach of remedy, but before another generation passes away, it will be incurable. In the third place; Does congress possess the power necessary for the purpose? This question, like all others arising out of the construction of those powers in the constitution, not clearly, unequivocally, and plainly delegated, must be viewed through the medium of prejudice, preconceived opinion, jealousy, and local interest which embarrass its discussion with never ending doubts and difficulties. We shall not enter upon an argument to sustain the affirmative of the proposition, further than to remark, that if the objections existing to the power are insuperable, the amendment of the constitution may be speedily effected, should the object to be attained warrant it. We cannot omit suggesting that there is one source, from whence enough may be drawn, to execute this purpose, without trespassing on the constitution, we mean the revenue derived from the public lands. No objections we trust from any quarter will be started to this measure, for the states to be benefitted most, are those whose cession created the fund to be employed, and all are to be benefitted to the extent of their full proportion of interest in it. In this opinion, we are supported by the concurrence of some of the most distinguished lawyers, statesmen and patriots who ever adorned this or any country. The legislatures of eleven states, have at different periods instructed their senators, and requested their representatives in congress, to promote in the general government, measures for removing such free persons of colour as are desirous of emigrating to Africa, and the legislatures of fourteen states have passed resolutions approving of the scheme of colonizing the free colored population of this country, and most of them approving of the colonization society. These considerations we think must satisfy your honorable bodies, that our application is fully sanctioned by general public sentiment, and that your action on this subject will receive the universal commendation of your fellow citizens. In conclusion we take occasion to assure you, as the result of our impression from past experience, that we consider individual efforts entirely inadequate to the achievement of this great work of patriotism and philanthropy. If ever done at all, it must be by the aid of the governmental arm. Let this be exerted, and our country will be rescued from the gulph of inextricable confusion, servile war, and bloodshed into which it is fast plunging. We earnestly appeal to you, as you regard the liberties of your children, as you feel for the degraded condition of the Negroes in this country, as you revere the free institutions under which we live, and as you hope for their perpetuation, to adopt some measures for the removal of the blacks, either such as we recommend, or as your own wisdom may suggest, better suited to the purpose, or if you consider the possession of the power questionable, we pray you, to take the necessary steps for the amendment of the constitution, to authorise the action of congress upon the subject. And as in duty bound we will every pray, &c. The following short article appeared elsewhere in the same issue of the newspaper, calling attention to the memorial, above. We invite the attention of the public to the memorial contained in another column of this paper, addressed to congress by a committee appointed for that purpose, at a meeting convened in Harrisburg, a little more than a year ago. It is a condensed and comprehensive view of the subject, sustained by facts and arguments, presenting as a whole, a masterly and unanswerable defence of the system of African colonization. It was presented to congress -- printed and laid on the table for future action. We hope it will receive the further consideration of the national legislature. We trust our fellow citizens in this state, and in all sections of the Union, who are friendly to the measure, will prepare, circulate for signatures and forward to congress similar memorials -- or they might if preferable, adapt the substance of this, to their own peculiar sentiments on the subject, and transmit them to Washington as speedily as possible. Since writing the above, we understand the auxiliary society of Dauphin county will print, and send through the State, a number of these memorials, in a circular form. We hope they will be signed and sent on immediately. The memorial was prepared and signed by the following gentlemen, viz: HON. CALVIN BLYTHE, GEO. W. HARRIS, OVID F. JOHNSON, JOHN M. FORSTER, ALEXANDER MAHON, C.C. RAWN, A.M. PIPER and J.B. WEIDMAN, Esquires. NotesThis was not the first petition to Congress by the citizens of Dauphin County on this subject. The records of the 24th Congress (1835-1836) contain document #S.doc.151, 24-1, "Petition of citizens of Dauphin county, Pennsylvania, for appropriation to remove to Africa all free negroes and manumitted slaves." (LexisNexis Index of Congressional Documents, Historical Indexes). The earlier 1836 petition is probably the same one referenced by a short article in The Liberator, 20 February 1836, which records: SENATE, Tuesday, Feb. 9. SourcesThe
Keystone (Harrisburg), Wednesday, 25 January 1837 Further ReadingFor an example of how Harrisburg passed laws limiting the rights of free African Americans, see "Harrisburg's 'Free Person of Colour' Registration Ordinance of 1821." For the opinion of many in Harrisburg's African American community, see Harrisburg's African American Community Opposes Colonization, 1831.
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Covering the history of African Americans in central Pennsylvania from the colonial era through the Civil War. Support the Afrolumens Project. Read the books: The Year of Jubilee, Volume One: Men of God, Volume Two: Men of Muscle |
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